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September 11, 2000
Religion in the public square
Clifford Orwin
National Post
It's an old American Jewish joke, which pictures the inauguration of the first Jewish president. In the
crowd sits his mother, whom he has flown in specially for the occasion. He ascends the platform to
take his oath. Unable to restrain her pride, she blurts out to the strangers beside her: "See that boy up
there? Both his brothers are doctors!"
Time will tell whether Joseph Lieberman's mother will come to wish he had become a doctor. He may
yet sweep to triumph with Al Gore, and be able to claim some of the credit for their having done so.
The odds of their victory seem pretty good at this point. He certainly seemed like an inspired choice at
the time, and those who suspected his Judaism would prove a liability were confuted by the initial poll
results. These showed that far from holding his Judaism against him, the broad American public holds
his religiosity very much in his favour. Sectarianism (even the sectarianism of Christians toward Jews)
is dead or moribund in America, but religiosity is very much in vogue. But this religiosity is weak beer.
And that's why Mr. Lieberman's marginally more robust version has lately been held against him.
The emergence of generic "religion" reflects the decline of denominational sectarianism. Sectarianism
has waned for two reasons that may seem contradictory but aren't. On the one hand all particularism
dissolves in the backwash of the Enlightenment: the culturally levelling and homogenizing forces of
mass education and the mass media. On the other, the massive influx of immigrants from
non-Western countries multiplies denominations, vastly broadens the spectrum they cover -- and,
paradoxically, tends to blur all distinctions among them.
The struggle between Catholics and Protestants is yesterday's news in North America. Nor do Jews
and Christians any longer represent a fundamental diversity and antipathy. After all, they're close kin
compared to the more exotic latecomers. The challenge is no longer for them to co-exist with each
other, but rather for them as "Judeo-Christians" to co-exist with all the others. Growing up Jewish in
Chicago in the 1950s, I was routinely assaulted by Irish kids on the way home from school. It mattered
to them that the Jews killed Christ, and they weren't shy about letting us know it. Children of the two
faiths played together until we were seven or so; after that we lived in two solitudes except for these
hostile encounters. My children, on the other hand, growing up in Toronto in the Nineties, did not
encounter a whiff of such hatred. Some of their best friends are Irish (and ours too). The relevant
difference here, needless to say, is not between Chicago and Toronto, but between the Fifties and the
Nineties. The Fifties were a decade of still tight ethnic and religious communities, which naturally
mistrusted one another. In those days even Catholics were deemed unelectable on a national ticket,
and Mr. Gore's nomination of Mr. Lieberman would indeed have been unthinkable.
But everything has changed (and not in all respects for the better). William Julius Wilson, the brilliant
American sociologist, has written from a quasi-Marxist perspective of "the declining significance of
race." His phrase applies equally to religion. This decline is vast and obvious. The real threat facing
North American Jews today is neither intolerance nor evangelism nor the "Aryan" lunatic fringe. Rather
it's an aspect of excessive tolerance (of nominal Christians toward Jews and of nominal Jews toward
Christians). The 17th-century Jewish renegade philosopher Spinoza dreamed of a liberal world where
Jews would cease to be Jews even as Christians ceased to be Christians. That world now looks
uncomfortably close to realization. Intermarriage rates have soared exponentially, because to so many
young people (and, increasingly, their parents) the old distinctions just don't matter. If your child is
marrying a nice person, you don't ask for more.
What remains of religion in mainstream North America is one thing only: a diffuse moralism
accompanied by a vague conviction that religion supports morality. Polls purporting to show that
Americans are highly religious reflect only this. (Try asking an American to explain what distinguishes
his denomination from others. He'll soon assure you that all religions are the same at bottom.) Most
Americans simply equate religion with morality. Whether the moral person is Christian or Jewish or
Sikh or a native American shamanist just doesn't matter anymore. (When I lectured in Massachusetts
recently a Wiccan cabdriver explained to me what his alleged paganism stood for: feminism,
environmentalism and the Golden Rule.) Americans may go to church more often than other modern
peoples, but what they learn in church is this gospel of universal toleration. All good people go to
heaven.
Now Americans have noted the clear relationship between the decline of religion and that of the family,
always the moral cornerstone of American society. Attachment to family is what animates their
religiosity. Supposing, therefore, that belief in God supports morality, they're dubious of public
atheists. (Rightly so, in my opinion. A noisy public atheist -- a Sinclair Lewis, for example -- is an
infantile show-off and a troublemaker. And almost every great political philosopher has concurred with
the American public on this point: While a given atheist may be moral, atheism is bad for public
morality, and for liberal democratic public morality no less than other kinds.) Americans are not in the
least inquisitorial. If a public official not only proclaims his belief in God but (wonder of wonders) acts
as if he believes in Him -- that is, behaves morally -- no one is going to question the sincerity of his
belief.
So for a major Jewish organization such as the Anti-Defamation League to chide Mr. Lieberman for his
public professions of faith is just silly. It shows how far behind the learning curve they are, fighting the
Jewish battles of two generations ago. There's no danger whatever that any religion will come to
dominate American politics except for the one that does so already, vapid non-denominationality. As
for the notion that "separation of church and state" prohibits leaders from voicing their belief in the
Creator, it's bunk. American presidents have always proclaimed their faith, albeit non-denominationally.
They have regularly and conspicuously attended the churches of their respective faiths, while making it
clear they approved of all faiths. (Here the model has been George Washington's wonderful letter to the
Jewish community of Newport in 1790.) Nothing that Mr. Lieberman has done has deviated from this
pattern. In making up their minds whether or not to vote for the Democratic ticket, voters (including
Jewish ones) should look to the real issues of the campaign.
Clifford Orwin is professor of political science at the University of Toronto.
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